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The Ways
in which Parents Think About Parenting, Themselves, and Their Child May
Affect Treatment Outcomes for Children With ADHD |
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Although numerous
studies on the treatment of ADHD have been conducted, most have been limited
to examining the effectiveness of particular treatments (e.g. medication,
behavioral therapy, neurofeedback, dietary interventions, etc.) without
regard to how aspects of parents' thinking may impact treatment outcome. Because parents are ultimately responsible
for implementing prescribed treatments, it is possible that how parents think
about themselves and their child could influence children's outcomes through
the influence these beliefs have on parents' willingness/ability to
consistently implement the treatments that have been recommended. It
is not difficult to imagine examples of how this could occur. Parents who
believe their child has no control over non-compliant behavior may feel that
imposing limits and consequences is pointless. They may, therefore, be unwilling
to comply with recommendations that are part of behavioral treatment. Similarly, parents who lack confidence in
their parenting ability, or who have low self-esteem in general, may find it
difficult to enforce consequences or consistently administer medication when
faced with resistance from their child.
In other families, parents who believe the problematic behavior of
their ADHD child is always deliberate and willful, and are unwilling to
consider that ADHD symptoms are a contributing factor, may frequently react
with anger and punitive discipline, and be unwilling to implement the kind of
parenting strategies that can be more helpful for many children with ADHD. Despite
these reasons for hypothesizing that parents' thinking about their child,
themselves, and their parenting may influence children's treatment outcomes,
there has been virtually no research conducted on this important topic. A study published in the December 2000
issue of the Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology (Hoza,
B. et al. Parent cognitions as predictors of child treatment response in
ADHD, 28, 569-583), however, provides an interesting initial look at this
understudied area. This
study was conducted in conjunction with the MTA study, the largest treatment
study of ADHD ever conducted. In the
MTA study, 579 6-12 year-old children with the combined type of ADHD were
randomly assigned to one of four different treatment conditions -- careful
medication management; intensive behavioral treatment, the combination of
careful medication management and intensive behavioral treatment; and routine
community care. The
current study included 105 children and parents from 2 of the 6 MTA study
sites who agreed to participate in an "add-on" investigation to the
main study. These parents completed a
number of measures designed to assess their self-esteem, their feelings of
parenting efficacy (i.e. how confident they felt about their parenting
skills), the adaptiveness of their discipline
strategies, and the types of attributions they made about their child's
behavior (i.e. did they consistently blame their child's non-compliant
behavior problems on lack of effort and/or poor mood as opposed to
recognizing that such behavior could also reflect other factors, including
the impact of ADHD). These
aspects of parents thinking and disciplinary strategies were collected
separately for mothers and fathers prior to any child receiving treatment.
Fourteen months later, parent and teacher reports of children's ADHD symptoms
and oppositional/defiant behaviors were collected. The authors could then examine whether
parental thinking and disciplinary strategies influenced children's outcome
even after treatment benefits had been taken into account. They predicted
that regardless of which treatment a child received, the outcome would be better when
parents had higher self-esteem, reported more adaptive disciplinary
strategies, and held more adaptive attributions about themselves and their
child. Results For
mothers, self-esteem and self-report of dysfunctional discipline both had a
significant impact on child outcome.
Across all 4 treatment groups (i.e. medication management, behavioral
intervention, combined treatment, and community care) children whose mothers
had higher self-esteem and who used fewer dysfunctional disciplinary
strategies were doing better (i.e. their parents and teachers reported they
were showing fewer ADHD symptoms and less oppositional behavior). For
fathers, the use of fewer dysfunctional disciplinary strategies also
predicted more positive outcomes. In
addition, children did better when their fathers were less likely to
"blame" their child's non-compliance on lack of effort and/or bad
mood. Finally, there was a strong
trend indicating that high parenting efficacy for fathers (i.e. having
confidence in one's ability to handle the demands of parenting) predicted
more positive child outcomes. In
addition to examining how aspects of parental thinking and disciplinary style
related to children's outcomes, it is also interesting to look at the
relationship between these variables.
For mothers and fathers, higher self-esteem was associated with a more
positive disciplinary style. And, parents who felt more confident in their
parenting ability (i.e. higher parental efficacy scores) were less likely to
endorse dysfunctional disciplinary strategies or blame their child's
non-compliance on lack of effort. Summary and
Implications The
major findings of this study: parental cognitions and parental reports of
dysfunctional disciplinary strategies predicted children's treatment outcomes
14 months later. It is important to
emphasize that these factors had a significant impact on children's outcomes
even after all gains associated with treatments received in the MTA study had
been taken into account. For
mothers, self-esteem emerged as a significant predictor of child treatment
response. The authors speculate that
perhaps mothers with low self-esteem experience doubts about their parenting
ability, thus making them prone to engage in dysfunctional disciplinary
practices which have a negative affect on child outcome. Among fathers, those with higher feelings
of parental efficacy, and were less prone to blame children's non-compliance
on poor effort and/or bad mood, had children who were doing better. The
authors suggest that this may occur because feelings of efficacy in fathers
encourage more positive involvement with their child and fewer dysfunctional
disciplinary practices. Although
the exact mechanisms by which these aspects of parental thinking influence
treatment outcome cannot be determined from this study alone, the results
provide strong evidence that such factors can play an important role. The authors argue that, because parents are
the implementers of treatment for children with ADHD, parental factors such
as those examined here should be considered as possible targets for
treatment. As was demonstrated here,
even when children are receiving the most careful medication treatment and/or
the most systematic behavioral treatment available, certain aspects of
parental thinking can still have an important influence on treatment success. An
encouraging aspect of these results is that they underscore the critical role
parents play in the development of children with ADHD. For parents who question whether they can
play an important role in promoting their child's healthy development above
and beyond making sure their child takes the right medication, these data clearly
indicate they can. How parents think
about themselves, and how confident they feel in their role as parents, may
have a meaningful impact on the success of whatever treatment(s) their child
is receiving. This paper will
hopefully stimulate additional work in this important area. |
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